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Great piece. I too hate the Soviet regime with every fibre in my body but still find their anthem a strangely inspiring piece of music. Good to know I'm not alone.

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This is a good overview. I really like your framework at the start for comparing liberalism, Marxism, and postmodernism.

I might have mentioned it before in a comment here, but have you read Mancur Olson's "Power and Prosperity"? I really enjoyed that one.

He has an argument that productivity in command economies has a tendency to be swallowed up by networks of corrupt nomenklatura, who cut corners and siphon off the profits for themselves. They might even just turn out to be lazy, treat their jobs as sinecures, and allow their workers to behave lazily as well. Having an all-powerful autocrat like Stalin, for all the damage and evil he did, he WAS able to break up those corrupt networks during his lifetime and set up systems of incentives -- carrots and sticks -- that motivated everyone to keep the command economy running about as well as a command economy can. He was a sort of grandmaster slavedriver, which is apparently what command economies require to function at their best.

But after his death, while the system had enough momentum to keep going under Khruschev, by Brezhnev's time the corrupt networks resumed forming, and Brezhnev lacked some combination of the power, will, and political/economic acumen to punish the nomenklatura and get it functioning again.

So I think, if I can do Mancur Olson justice, part of his answer to your original question would be Stalin himself. If Lenin's successor had been a man more like Brezhnev, the stagnation seen under Brezhnev might have happened ~20 years sooner. Though any sort of counterfactual like that would be complicated by the question of whether WW2 plays out differently.

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Nov 21·edited Nov 21Author

I have not read that specific book, but I am familiar with Mancur Olsen's theories. I think he is largely correct.

I am skeptical of your claim that Stalin reduced corruption. He also murdered competent administrators and generals. Also remember that a huge percentage of the Soviet economy under Stalin was devoted to the military. It is not at all clear that the material standard of living for the Russian people increased under his rule. It was essentially a massive military build-up from 1930 to 1945 and not much of a slowdown after that.

Remember that the Soviet Union had no free-floating prices, so it is impossible to calculate economic value. And with all the disruptions of WW1, the Civil War, Stalinist purges, WW2, Nazi genocide, and more Stalinist purges, there never was a stable baseline until Brezhnev.

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>Also remember that a huge percentage of the Soviet economy under Stalin was devoted to the military. It is not at all clear that the material standard of living for the Russian people increased under his rule.

Yes, I want to be clear that I'm not really talking about the people's standard of living, and not necessarily even GDP per se (although it's related) -- I'm talking about state capacity. A totalitarian state is dependent on a high level of state capacity to keep running, a powerful central government that is capable of enforcing its will upon the population and upon any and all rival power centers in society.

That Soviet military buildup was state capacity in action, as was the ability to use that military to keep the satellite states in the Soviet orbit. The failure to even keep Belarus and Ukraine joined to Russia demonstrates the complete collapse of state capacity in the USSR's last days. I would say that Soviet state capacity peaked either under Stalin or Khruschev and then began to decline precipitously, even though GDP didn't contract until the post-Soviet era.

There's still a strong argument that, despite some economic growth, the Russian Federation's state capacity under Putin remains far below that of the USSR at its height, which is why it has struggled so greatly to impose its will on Ukraine (itself practically a failed state). And previously, Chechnya, which has only been reincorporated by essentially making it an autonomous feudal vassal of Russia. I've seen Putin's style of government described as neo-feudal in terms of his extraordinary level of reliance on personal relationships with trusted, corrupt subordinates.

>I am skeptical of your claim that Stalin reduced corruption. He also murdered competent administrators and generals.

Yes, the USSR lost a lot of human capital under Stalin (and for that matter, under Lenin, much of it through emigration during and in the aftermath of the civil war).

But the thing about Stalin is that, if anyone could say "L'etat c'est moi," it was he. His absolute control meant that he didn't need to buy favors from cronies by rewarding them far out of proportion to their contributions, as Putin does. He could rely more on the stick and less on carrots to ensure their loyalty. And he also had the power to crush any rival patronage networks in society. Because Stalin in a sense owned everything in the country, any nomenklatura who were using their position for personal enrichment, above and beyond their salaries, were in a sense stealing from Stalin, and Olson gives some anecdotes of this.

Also, in terms of personal corruption and nepotism, Stalin apparently engaged in a lot less of that than most other absolute autocrats. For example, nothing akin to that of the House of Kim.

To be sure, none of this is meant to be an apology for Stalin.

>Remember that the Soviet Union had no free-floating prices, so it is impossible to calculate economic value.

Yes, there's a reason why I described command economies as I did in my comment. They are bad, full stop. BUT Olson argues that Stalin came up with a wage scheme that generally worked well enough under the circumstances, as long as the autocrat on top was brutal enough to keep it running.

I was searching for reviews of that book, and this one is interesting, going into a little of Olson's view of Stalin's economics and both agreeing and disagreeing with Olson, from an Austrian perspective. I was an econ major but really don't know much about Austrian economics other than it's typically viewed as quackery by the mainstream. Still, take a look:

https://mises.org/mises-review/power-and-prosperity-mancur-olson#:~:text=Olson%20has%20given%20us%20much%20of%20the%20answer%3A,during%20his%20or%20her%20primary%20hours%20of%20labor.

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I largely agree with. Too much state capacity is just as much a danger as too little. Both become rule by the most ruthless.

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Great post, and good comments.

I suspect part of the problem we have in discussions like this (and understanding it "really"!) is trying to convey a "whole of life" experience just in words. Plus presenting multiple "eras", events, personalities, technologies, etc. over a many decade time span, compressed into a few minutes of (still very good) prose. This topic probably needs a combination of experiences (text, video, music, personal meeting attendance, etc.) to fully convey just how compelling, corrupt, conspiratorial, etc., the Marxist/ Soviet/ Leninist / Stalinist "ideology" was.

We have gone through (and may continue to some degree) the Woke/Progressive/ Leftist Obama/ Biden regime seeming to have been unbeatable because of all of the supportive bias and lying and indoctrination from the media (and other culture centers). Now we have an alternative for real "hope and change" once again. (Maybe we will never learn? :-) )

I guess the Post Modernism rejection of "reality" and true perceptions should have been ridiculed and laughed off the stage many decades ago, but managed to grow like a slippery slime on a rock through infiltration of true believers until most reasonable folks just walked away and let them have their "stupid little playground". But when it took over the sciences and engineering departments is when the die was fully cast, something I still find hard to really understand, as a former engineering student.

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The CPSU had no term limits for its leaders. Without injections of new personnel, leadership calcified and society followed suit. Brezhnev was the outstanding example of this.

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The illustration of Lenin in the hall looks somewhat similar to The 1887 Constitutional Convention: https://constitutioncenter.org/images/uploads/blog/640px-Scene_at_the_Signing_of_the_Constitution_of_the_United_States.jpg

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Wrong year, but yes. This may have been intentional.

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